Saturday, 26 April 2008

ONE NIGHT WITH THE KING

At last reaches the Portuguese theaters the movie "One Night With The King" (USA2006). This is a story based in the Book of Esther. The young girl who saves her People from annihilation.

SOVIET POSTERS OF THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR (1)











THE BLACK-DEATH - DER SCHWARZE TOD


Soviet Marines posing to photograph. During the Great Patriotic War the Germans called them "Der Schwarze Tod" - The Black Death.

Friday, 25 April 2008

TO CELEBRATE WHAT ?

Sometimes I wonder why we go on celebrating a day that is nothing more than a remmemberance.
A sad thing to say. But the reality we live in only reinforces what I say.
What happened to all the hopes and dreams that the 25th. brought foward ?
THEY ARE GONE !!!
And if we take a look around, searching for what was constructed or conquered between the following months or the meagre two years the revolution lasted, we realize that almost nothing is still standing. All things are gone, blown away by the winds of the revenging bourgeoisie.
Once again the people was tricked. Fooled by the treacherous promises of opportunists and capitalist stooges.
Oh, they left us the right to talk. We can say what pleases us with (almost)no restrictions, we can vote and (apparently) we have no censorship. But that so called conquest is not enough to stop the reactionary dictate of the rulling class.
SO, TELL ME, WHAT'S LEFT TO CELEBRATE ?
NOTHING, I THINK.
Otherwise we should make of this day a day of Unity and Struggle. Our voices should be heard in discontentment. The streets should be taken again; not only for the singing and dancing, or the demonstration of our gratitude for the ones, who by their action, started everything in that day of April 74 - I think that those who are still alive are also disappointed - but to march against this situation.


The Flag of the Revolution should, once more, fly proudly high, leading the fight, resuming the revolution from the point it was betrayed and twisted into a lie.

If we can learn with our mistakes, certainly we can rebuild what was disbanded; rise, once again, a great mass movement. Give Hope to the People. Lead the way to victory.

That, I think, should be the proper way to celebrate the 25th. of April.
(April is Revolution ! ALWAYS !)

Thursday, 24 April 2008

DYNAMIC BUILDING IN DUBAI


Set to be constructed - of course - in Dubai, this skyscraper designed by architect David Fisher rotates by wind power. But not as a whole - this building rotates by individual floor, creating what Fisher calls ‘dynamic architecture’.

Dynamic Architecture buildings keep modifying their shape. As each floor rotates separately, the form of the building changes constantly; you may not see the same building twice.

Dynamic architecture marks a new era in architecture. This new approach, based on motion dynamics, is in fact a challenge to traditional architecture that until now was based on gravity.

Dynamic Architecture buildings will become the symbol of a new philosophy that will change the look of our cities and the concept of living. From now on, buildings will have a fourth new dimension TIME. Buildings will not be confined to rigid shapes; construction will have a new approach and flexibility. Cities will change faster than we ever imagined. [David Fisher, from dynamicarchitecture.net]

So I know what you’re thinking - incredibly wasteful, right? Not if Fisher is successful in placing horizontal wind turbines between each of the tower’s floors - providing 48 turbines to power the building’s spinning.
In addition to the horizontal turbines, the building is to be fitted with photovoltaic panels on the roof - generating approximately 7 million dollars worth of electricity every year, according to Fisher.

Each turbine can produce 0.3 megawatt of electricity, compared to 1-1.5 megawatt generated by a normal vertical turbine (windmill). Considering that Dubai gets 4,000 wind hours annually, the turbines incorporated into the building can generate 1,200,000 kilowatt-hour of energy.

As average annual power consumption of a family is estimated to be 24,000 kilowatt-hour, each turbine can supply energy for about 50 families. The Dynamic Architecture tower in Dubai will be having 200 apartments and hence four turbines can take care of their energy needs. The surplus clean energy produced by the remaining 44 turbines can light up the neighborhood of the building. [David Fisher, from dynamicarchitecture.net]

So, the building doesn’t just power itself and it’s own spinning/rotating - it can also power its surrounding urban area? My ninja, please


What’s with people and spinning buildings?

::all images and info from dynamicarchitecture.net::

THEY TALK...THEY BELIEVE...THEY GET.


Wednesday, 23 April 2008

Eisenstein: Oktyabr [1928] Russian titles

SERGEI EISENSTEIN'S BATTLESHIP POTEMKIN 1925 Part 2 ODESSA

SERGEI EISENSTEIN - THE BATTLESHIP POTEMKIN

The Battleship Potemkin (Russian: Броненосец «Потёмкин», Bronenosets Potyomkin), sometimes rendered as The Battleship Potyomkin, is a 1925 silent film directed by Sergei Eisenstein and produced by Mosfilm. It presents a dramatised version of the Battleship Potemkin uprising that occurred in 1905 when the crew of a Russian battleship rebelled against their oppressive officers of the Tsarist regime.
Potemkin has been called one of the most influential films of all time, and was named the greatest film of all time at the World's Fair at Brussels, Belgium, in 1958.



Film style and content

The film is composed of five episodes: "Men and Maggots" (Люди и черви), in which the sailors protest at having to eat rotten meat; "Drama at the Harbour" (Драма на тендре), in which the sailors mutiny and their leader, Vakulynchuk, is killed; "A Dead Man Calls for Justice" (Мёртвый взывает) in which Vakulynchuk's corpse is mourned over by the people of Odessa; "The Odessa Staircase" (Одесская лестница), in which Tsarist soldiers massacre the Odessans; and "The Rendez-Vous with a Squadron" (Встреча с эскадрой), in which the squadron ends up joining the sailors' side

Eisenstein wrote the film as a revolutionary propaganda film, but also used it to test his theories of "montage". The revolutionary Soviet filmmakers of the Kuleshov school of filmmaking were experimenting with the effect of film editing on audiences, and Eisenstein attempted to edit the film in such a way as to produce the greatest emotional response, so that the viewer would feel sympathy for the rebellious sailors of the Battleship Potemkin and hatred for their cruel overlords. In the manner of most propaganda, the characterization is simple, so that the audience could clearly see with whom they should sympathize.

Eisenstein's experiment was a mixed success; he "was disappointed when Potemkin failed to attract masses of viewers", but the film was also released in a number of international venues, where audiences responded more positively. In both the Soviet Union and overseas, the film shocked audiences, but not so much for its political statements as for its use of violence, which was considered graphic by the standards of the time.[citation needed] The film's potential to influence political thought through emotional response was noted by Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels, who called Potemkin "a marvellous film without equal in the cinema ... anyone who had no firm political conviction could become a Bolshevik after seeing the film."

The Odessa Steps sequence

The most famous scene in the film is the massacre of civilians on the Odessa Steps (also known as the Primorsky or Potemkin Stairs). In this scene, the Tsar's Cossacks in their white summer tunics march down a seemingly endless flight of steps in a rhythmic, machine-like fashion, slaughtering a crowd, including a young boy, as they flee. After the boy falls, his mother picks up his body and yells at the soldiers to stop firing. They do, only to shoot her minutes later. Toward the end of the sequence, the soldiers shoot a mother who is pushing a baby in a baby carriage. As she falls to the ground, dying, she leans against the carriage, nudging it away; it rolls down the steps amidst the fleeing crowd.

The scene is perhaps the best example of Eisenstein's theory on montage, and many films pay homage to the scene, including Francis Ford Coppola's The Godfather, Brian De Palma's The Untouchables, and George Lucas's Star Wars Episode III: Revenge of the Sith. Several films spoof it, including Woody Allen's Bananas and Love and Death, Terry Gilliam's Brazil, Zucker, Abrahams, and Zucker's Naked Gun 33⅓: The Final Insult, and the Italian comedy "il secondo tragico Fantozzi" (in English, "The Second Tragic Fantozzi Movie")

The massacre on the steps is fictional, presumably created by Eisenstein for its dramatic venue and effect, as well as for propaganda and to demonize the Czar and the Imperial regime. It is, however, based on the fact that there were widespread demonstrations in the area, sparked off by the arrival of the Potemkin in Odessa Harbour, and both the Times of London and the resident British Consul reported that troops fired on the crowds with accompanying loss of life (the actual casualties are unrecorded). Film critic Roger Ebert writes, "That there was, in fact, no czarist massacre on the Odessa Steps scarcely diminishes the power of the scene ... It is ironic that [Eisenstein] did it so well that today the bloodshed on the Odessa steps is often referred to as if it really happened."

Distribution, censorship and restoration

After its premiere in Soviet Union, Potemkin was shown in the United States. It was shown in an edited form in Germany, with some scenes of extreme violence edited out by its German distributors. A written introduction by Leon Trotsky was cut from Soviet prints after he ran afoul of Joseph Stalin. The film was banned in Nazi Germany, Britain, Spain (though not during the Second Republic), France, and other countries for its revolutionary zeal. It was even banned in the Soviet Union for a short period when the Comintern, for diplomatic reasons, ceased to promote mutiny among the navies of capitalist countries.

Today, the film is widely available in various DVD editions. However, in 2004, a three-year restoration of the film was completed. Many excised scenes of violence were restored, as well as the original written introduction by Leon Trotsky. The previous titles, which had toned down the mutinous sailors' revolutionary rhetoric, were corrected so that they would now be an accurate translation of the original Russian titles in the film.

Soundtracks

As a propaganda film, Eisenstein declared his wish that the score should be rewritten every 20 years, in order to retain its relevance to each new generation.

The original score was composed by Edmund Meisel. A salon orchestra performed the Berlin premiere in 1926; its instrumentation was flute/piccolo, trumpet, trombone, harmonium, percussion and strings without viola. Meisel wrote the score in twelve days and nights due to the late approval from the censorship board. Due to this problem, Meisel would repeat large sections of the score, unchanged, in an effort to complete the project. Composer/conductor Mark-Andreas Schlingensiepen has reorchestrated and improved the score based on the original piano score and has adjusted it to fit the reconstructed version of the film available today.

In its commercial format (on DVD, for example) the film is usually accompanied by pieces of classical music that have been subsequently added; Dmitri Shostakovich and Nikolai Kriukov are two composers whose works have been used. In an attempt to make the film relevant for the 21st century, the Pet Shop Boys composed a new soundtrack in 2004, accompanied by the Dresden Symphonic Orchestra. Their soundtrack, released as Battleship Potemkin in 2005, was premiered in September 2004 at an open-air concert in Trafalgar Square, London.

Tuesday, 22 April 2008

TEN DAYS WHO SHOOK THE WORLD

On the ninetieth anniversary, American journalist John Reed's pulsating first-hand account of the October Revolution remains a powerful antidote to our historical amnesia about what happened in Russia in 1917.by Mick Hume

It is 90 years since the 1917 October Revolution that brought the Bolsheviks to power in Russia and changed the world. It is almost impossible in today’s atmosphere of political sleepwalking to imagine what it might have been like to find ourselves in the midst of such revolutionary ferment. In the absence of a time machine, I recommend reading Ten Days that Shook the World.

This most famous first-hand account of those tumultuous times was written by John Reed, a radical American journalist reporting from Russia for the socialist paper The Masses. Reed, as the English historian AJP Taylor later put it, ‘though not engaged physically in the Bolshevik revolution, was engaged morally. This was his revolution, not an obscure event in a foreign country.’ Ten Days… was published in 1919 with a one-paragraph introduction signed ‘Nikolai Lenin (Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov)’, who wrote: ‘Unreservedly do I recommend it to the workers of the world.’

Ninety years on, we appear to be suffering a powerful historical amnesia in relation to the Russian Revolution. Reading history backwards, most commentators now discuss it only as the prelude to Stalin’s Soviet gulags or even Hitler’s Holocaust. On the other side, a minority still hold a romanticised view of the revolutionary ideal - see the Hollywood liberals’ take in the 1982 Oscar-winning epic Reds, in which Reed is played by, err, Warren Beatty.

To an old libertarian Marxist like me, however, neither of these ahistorical views will do. The October Revolution can only be understood by placing it in the context of the real unresolved crisis facing Russian society at the time. Those who wish to make sense of these events need to view them in what we used to call their historical specificity, rather than somehow trying to rediscover ourselves in a fantasy version of the past.

Reed’s book hums with historical specificities of the short period when the provisional government, which had come to power after the fall of the Tsarist regime in February 1917, was overthrown and replaced by a revolutionary government led by those whom he calls ‘the Bolsheviki’. A reader unfamiliar with the history might find bewildering the copious references to long-forgotten individuals, newspapers and political parties: the Bolsheviks, the Mensheviks – both former wings of the Russian Social Democratic and Labour Party – the Menshevik Internationalists, Socialist Revolutionaries, Left Socialist Revolutionaries, etc etc. But this is no Monty Python’s Life of Brian-style caricature of leftish splits and factions. The delegates and party members packed into all-day-and-night sessions are fiercely debating practical questions about launching an insurrection, dealing with their enemies, and organising a new society.

“‘On earth they were building a kingdom more bright than any heaven had to offer’, wrote Reed”

Reed’s historical narrative is a far cry from the widely-accepted version of the October Revolution as a sort of coup staged by an unrepresentative handful of Bolsheviks. By contrast, the story that unfolds here is of the Russian masses, driven to the edge by the hardships of hunger and the Great War, often finding themselves further along the revolutionary curve than the left (with the notable exception of Lenin). While the Bolsheviks were fighting for the acceptance of their slogan ‘Bread, Peace and Land’, Reed shows that the soldiers, sailors, workers and peasants were already putting it into practice, opposing the war and taking over the factories and the farms. As the revolutionary ferment rose, so did support for the Bolsheviks, who were swept to victory in elections to powerful new bodies such as the second all-Russia congress of Soviets.

Reed portrays the revolution as a product not of any plot but of deep social tensions waiting to explode, describing the capital Petrograd on the eve of revolution as ‘the great throbbing city under grey skies rushing faster and faster towards – what?’ He paints a picture of a city where waiters began to refuse tips because they were not serfs and a red flag fluttered from the statue of Catherine the Great; where hungry militants stockpiled guns while all-night gambling clubs served champagne and high-class prostitutes wore furs.

When the moment came, the events known as the storming of the Winter Palace hardly lived up to that dramatic image. Reed gives a first-hand account of how the Military Revolutionary Committee more or less walked in and took over the reins of government, issuing orders that nobody was to loot the treasures that now belonged to ‘the people’. But that was only the beginning. A bitter and often bloody struggle ensued against the opponents of the Bolshevik revolution, and Reed is not blind to the setbacks and tragedies, such as the ‘wine pogroms’ when Red Guards fired on drunk and rioting soldiers who had raided the vintage cellars of the rich.

Yet Reed’s account returns time and again to the theme that it was the support of the masses, desperate for an end to the war and the famine and for freedom, which pushed the revolution forward through all barriers. He writes with impassioned admiration of how the people of Petrograd answered the new government’s call to defend the city from the threat of attack by counter-revolutionary Cossack forces:

‘As we came out into the dark and gloomy day, all around the grey horizon factory whistles were blowing, a hoarse and nervous sound, full of foreboding. By tens of thousands the working people poured out, men and women; by tens of thousands the humming slums belched out their dun and miserable hordes. Red Petrograd was in danger! Cossacks! South and south-west they poured through the shabby streets towards the Moskovsky Gate, men, women and children, with rifles, picks, spades, rolls of wires, cartridge belts over their working clothes…. Such an immense, spontaneous outpouring of a city was never seen! They rolled along torrent-like, companies of soldiers borne with them, guns, motor-trucks, wagons – the revolutionary proletariat defending with its breast the capital of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Republic!’

Later, on a trip to Moscow, Reed describes the Red Square funeral of 500 workers and peasants who had died in the fighting there, as thousands came from across the city with ‘a river of red banners’ to bury their dead heroes where tsars lay, against the Kremlin walls, in a huge grave dug overnight by volunteers. The powerful Orthodox church would have nothing to do with such a ceremony, of course – but, observes Reed, the supposedly priest-ridden Russians had created a solemn and meaningful ritual of their own: ‘I suddenly realised that the devout Russian people no longer needed priests to pray them into heaven. On earth they were building a kingdom more bright than any heaven had to offer, and for which it was a glory to die…’

“Reed never lived to see the ‘Bolshevik success’ turn into the defeats and horrors of the Stalinist era”

Towards the end of Ten Days…, Reed concludes quite soberly that the Bolsheviks had not come to power by compromise with the ancien régime, or by ‘the organised violence of a small clique. If the masses all over Russia had not been ready for insurrection it must have failed’: ‘The only reason for Bolshevik success lay in their accomplishing the vast and simple desires of the most profound strata of the people, calling them to the work of tearing down and destroying the old, and afterwards, in the smoke of falling ruins, cooperating with them to erect the framework of the new.’

After helping to found the Communist Party of the USA, Reed returned to Soviet Russia but died of typhus there in 1920. He was buried in Red Square, in the Heroes’ Grave. So he never lived to see that ‘Bolshevik success’ turn into the defeats and horrors of the Stalinist era. The disjuncture between the revolutionary movement he describes and what it became is made unwittingly clear in Ten Days…, where Reed mentions Stalin only once, briefly, while Trotsky is ever to the fore. This later led to the book being banned by the Soviet regime; it would be hard to think of a higher recommendation for any work than that Stalin did not want you to read it.

There is no space here to go into the many factors, domestic and international, that meant the October Revolution ultimately failed to realise the ‘vast and simple desires’ of the people, never mind build a better world. But should that mean that we must, with the genius of hindsight, judge Reed wrong to have become so caught up in the revolutionary spirit of Russia’s October? I hope not. All experiments and innovations run the risk that things will go wrong, far more so when they take place in society rather than in a laboratory. Does it follow that we must simply give up on the idea of a political struggle for social change? Or should we instead reflect on how better to go about building a new society?

In the movie Reds, I recall one rather cheesy post-revolution scene where ‘Reed’ wants to go back to America to visit his wife. The Bolshevik apparatchik Zinoviev tells him, ‘You can go and see your wife anytime. But you can never come back to this moment in history.’ And neither can we, even if we wanted to. But it still might be worth seeking lessons for our world in the story told in Ten Days….

For example, one lesson for today might be about our attitude to youth culture. We live in an age when there is endless worry and breast-beating over the risks allegedly facing young people, and how they need more help and protection from adult life. Ninety years ago, however, most of those playing the most active part at the forefront of the revolution were teenagers. Reed describes the Red Guards as boys. Yet when it mattered, they proved old enough and tough enough to assume responsibility for taking over and changing their country.

“Some Red Guards were boys, yet they proved old enough and tough enough to take over their country”

Perhaps we might also reflect on the broader importance of revolutions that ‘shook the world’ and shaped history, for better and for worse. As the English revolution of the 1640s helped inspire political developments into the eighteenth century, and the American and French revolutions of the late eighteenth century proved the motor for much change in the nineteenth, so did the Russian Revolution of October 1917 influence the reforms and reactions that dominated the twentieth century. What force will shake our world and take it forward in the twenty-first century? There is no sign of any social revolutions as yet, unless one counts the ‘green revolution’ that in some ways seems to want to turn the clock back. We shall have to see.

In the meantime, to paraphrase that earlier and more succinct reviewer of Reed’s book, unreservedly do I recommend it to the readers of the world.

THE ART OF SALVADOR DALI (2) - YOUNG VIRGIN AUTO-SODOMIZED BY HER OWN CHATISTY (1954)


Led Zeppelin - Stairway To Heaven

Alvin Lee And Ten Years After - Slow Blues In C

Anyone around here love The Blues ?
Well, I do.
So one more time, boys and girls:
Ten Years after !!!

Ten Years After - I'm Going Home (live Woodstock '69)

Going Home - Local Hero

Brothers in Arms - Dire Straits

Cancao do Mar

Monday, 21 April 2008

The Dubliners-Finnegan's Wake

The Dubliners - The Irish Rover

The Dubliners - Whiskey in the jar

Couple Coffee no CCB com Júlio Pereira - Os Vampiros

VAMPIRES - A NEW BREED


After all they are not gone for ever.

For some time they went into hide, but now they are back.

The old generation gave way to a new breed. They are immune to garlic, holy water, wooden sticks, crosses and so on. They even walk amongst us in plain day light.

They don't need coffins to rest or hide in crypts.

They act like other humans.

You can find them at leading positions everywhere, politics, business, education, culture...

Beaten 34 years ago they are back, stronger than ever, planning their revenge and lusting after the blood of the herd.

Of course I'm talking metaphorically. So did JOSÉ AFONSO years before 1974 in his song "OS VAMPIROS". I' m sure that if he was alive today he would find his song very adequate to describe the sad days we are living.

So I leave to you all the lyrics of "OS VAMPIROS" , sadly I couldn't find any tranlation to English.

OS VAMPIROS


No céu cinzento
Sob o astro mudo
Batendo as asas
Pela noite calada
Vem em bandos
Com pés veludo
Chupar o sangue
Fresco da manada
Se alguém se engana
Com seu ar sisudo
E lhes franqueia
As portas à chegada
Eles comem tudo
Eles comem tudo
Eles comem tudo
E não deixam nada
A toda a parte
Chegam os vampiros
Poisam nos prédios
Poisam nas calçadas
Trazem no ventre
Despojos antigos
Mas nada os prende
Às vidas acabadas
São os mordomos
Do universo todo
Senhores à força
Mandadores sem lei
Enchem as tulhas
Bebem vinho novo
Dançam a ronda
No pinhal do rei
Eles comem tudo
Eles comem tudo
Eles comem tudo
E não deixam nada

No chão do medo
Tombam os vencidos
Ouvem-se os gritos
Na noite abafada
Jazem nos fossos
Vítimas dum credo
E não se esgota
O sangue da manada
Se alguém se engana
Com seu ar sisudo
E lhes franqueia
As portas à chegada
Eles comem tudo
Eles comem tudo
Eles comem tudo
E não deixam nada
Eles comem tudo
Eles comem tudo
Eles comem tudo
E não deixam nada

GOT LIGHT ?


Sunday, 20 April 2008

ENEMY AT THE GATES - THE REAL VASILI ZAYTSEV

ENEMY AT THE GATES MOVIE POSTER


How many of you people who saw "Enemy at the Gates" know the story of the real Hero Vasili Zaytsev? For those who only know the movie version, here goes a little and modest contribution:
The Real Hero Zaytsev
A SNIPER'S STORY


Captain Vasily Grigoryevich Zaytsev (Russian: Васи́лий Григо́рьевич За́йцев, pronounced [vʌˈsʲilʲɪj grʲɪˈgorʲjevʲɪtɕ ˈzajtsɨf] ) (March 23, 1915December 15, 1991) was a Soviet sniper during World War II, notable particularly for his activities between November 10 and December 17, 1942 during the Battle of Stalingrad. He killed 225 soldiers and officers of the Wehrmacht and other Axis armies, including 11 enemy snipers.[1] Prior to 10 November, he had already killed 32 Axis soldiers with the standard-issue Mosin-Nagant rifle (tryokhlineyka, "three line rifle").[1] Between October 1942 and January 1943, Zaytsev had made 242 verified kills,[2] but the real number may be much higher;[3] some argue it might have been as many as 400.[4] His military rank at the time was Junior Lieutenant.


Early life and World War II
Zaytsev was born in Yeleninskoye and grew up in the Ural Mountains. His surname Zaytsev has the same root as the word "hare" (zayats) in Russian. Before going to Stalingrad, he served in the Russian Navy as a clerk but upon reading about the brutality of the fighting in Stalingrad volunteered for front-line duty. Zaytsev served in the 1047th Rifle Regiment of the 284th Rifle Division of the 62nd Army. He is notable for having participated in the Battle of Stalingrad. There, the Russians set up a snipers' training school in the Lazur chemical works; it was run by Zaytsev. The snipers Zaytsev trained were nicknamed zaichata, meaning "leverets" (baby hares). Anthony Beevor wrote in Stalingrad that this was the start of the "sniper movement" in the 62nd Army. Conferences were arranged to spread the doctrine of "sniperism" and exchange ideas on technique and principles that were not limited to marksmanship skills. It is estimated that the snipers Zaytsev trained killed more than 3000 enemy soldiers.

Zaytsev served until January 1943, when he suffered an injury to his eyes from a landmine. He was attended to by Professor Filatov, who is credited with restoring his sight. He then returned to the front and finished the war on the Dniestr River with the military rank of Captain. After the end of the war, Zaytsev visited Berlin, where he met friends who served with him. They presented him with his sniper rifle, now engraved with the words: "To the Hero of the Soviet Union Zaytsev Vasily, who buried in Stalingrad more than 300 fascists."[1] (The rifle is now on exhibit in the Volgograd State Panoramic Museum's "Stalingrad Battle" exhibit.[5]) After the war, Zaytsev managed a factory in Kiev, and remained in that city until he died at the age of 76.
For the Russians, World War II produced numerous snipers with large numbers of confirmed kills. Hence, some sources claim that Zaytsev's remarkable performance was not unique and that others matched or surpassed his kill record, such as Ivan Mihailovich Sidorenko of the 1122nd Rifle Regiment who is credited with approximately 500 kills by the end of the war.[3][4] Undoubtedly, though, there were numerous Soviet snipers serving during World War II who distinguished themselves with a high number of individual kills, including Fyodor Okhlopkov who had 429 confirmed kills.

Commemoration
On January 31, 2006, Vasily Zaytsev was reburied on Mamayev Kurgan with full military honors. Zaytsev's dying wish was to be buried at the monument to the defenders of Stalingrad. His coffin was carried next to a monument where his famous quote is written: "There was no ground for us beyond [the] Volga."

The telescopic sight from Heinz Thorvald's rifle, allegedly Zaytsev's most treasured trophy, is still exhibited in the Moscow armed forces museum. However, the entire story remains essentially unconfirmed. There is no mention of it in any Soviet military reports, including those of Aleksandr Shcherbakov, even though almost every act of sniperism was reported with relish. The supposed duel is depicted in David L. Robbins' book War of the Rats and fictionalized in the film Enemy at the Gates, although Thorvald character's name was changed to Major König. Whether this duel actually took place is in dispute among historians, however, due to lack of any evidence as to whether there was a German sniper of such name or rank who ever existed during World War II.[citation needed] Zaytsev himself did make mention of the duel in his own biography "Notes of a Sniper", although it was a brief description occupying less than a chapter, in which he commented that he had been up against a very skillful sniper.

Popular culture

Zaytsev's story was portrayed in the films "Ангелы Смерти" (Angels of Death) and Enemy at the Gates

Zaytsev's story is portrayed differently in the book "War of the Rats"


Sniper Tactics of the Great Patriotic War

The Soviet Sniper has been glorified and romanticized in film and print but do we really have an accurate picture of Soviet sniper tactics during the Great Patriotic War or as we call it, World Ward Two. These soldiers - both men and women carried a great deal of responsibility when they entered the battle. The general perception of snipers are that they are cold hearted assassins, natural born shooters and larger than life heroes. In fact, they were former factory workers, school girls and clerks. They came from every walk of life and were humble and self-sacrificing.


Soviet snipers were a part of the military planning and tactics long before the outbreak of the war. The Soviet experience from the first world war highlighted the importance of incorporating sharpshooters or snipers into their battle plans. Marksmanship and sharp shooting skills were emphasized in both the military and in official state run youth and recreation programs. When the rifle 1891/30 was developed it was also decided to develope a sniper variant. Up until that time the official tactics for small units largely ignored the importance of utilizing snipers equipped with special purpose rifles. The Soviet Army did utilize sharpshooters but they were equipped with either standard infantry rifles or sometimes civilian hunting rifles. However, the shooting skills of the Finns during the Winter War drove home a bloody point that could not be ignored by the Soviet high command. Soviet field commanders feared the presence of Finn sharpshooters and snipers and recognized that these snipers were able to disrupt the communications and flow of battle and served to demoralize front line troops. It was the experience of these commanders that shaped sniper tactics in the Soviet Army.

The initial plan was to equip every platoon sized unit with a sniper rifle to be used their best shooter. However, with only about 50,000 rifles in the inventory, the Army was hard pressed to man every platoon with snipers as the Army expanded. An unfortunate decision by the command led to a further diluting of sniper effectiveness through the introduction of the SVT sniper rifle. This rifle suffered from a series of problems when used in the field as a result of its design as a semi-automatic rifle. For one thing, it did not respond well to extremely cold environments and suffered problems with the lubricant gumming up its working parts. Another problem was in cold shot accuracy where the first round fired would tend to wander significantly wide of the point of aim. Many snipers complained that the rifle was unwieldy and mechanically loud to operate.


By the time the Soviets were fully engaged with German forces a rush program was initiated to get the 91/30 Sniper fully into production. In 1942 production figures totaled in the 90,000 range. As more of these rifles reached units, existing tactics were put into practice and refined. To examine the tactics of the Soviet Sniper, it is necessary to review the philosophy for using snipers in the first place. Under the Soviet system, snipers were fielded in teams of two with a sniper and an observer. Both team members were qualified snipers and changed roles after each kill. The sniper was to provide both scouting duties as well as point and indirect fire to disrupt enemy activities and communications. The observer assisted in spotting potential targets, provided security and recorded and confirmed kills. Each sniper carried a "kill book" where they recorded time, date, location and details of each kill or engagement. This book was also used to record detailed information on German troop concentrations and movements. As mentioned before, the sniper was assigned at platoon level and reported directly to the platoon leader. Most sniper teams worked autonomously and ranged ahead of advancing formations or across an assigned frontal sector.

The Great Patriotic War produced some changes to the way sniper teams operated. The advancing German Army moved rapidly and unpredictably, using flanking maneuvers to surround retreating or static forces and cut them off. Soviet commanders reacted to this by concentrating their sniper teams on their flanks out away from the main body to impede Nazi advances on the flanks. This required platoon teams to gather in larger groups that worked together to provide advance warning to the major command elements of German movement as well as to concentrate their firepower.


Contrary to popular belief, most sniper engagements took place at distances under 400 meters in rural settings and under 100 meters in urban settings. Sniper teams would move into the "no-man's land" separating the two sides under the cover of darkness and set up blinds or observation posts that were cleverly concealed. In the case of observing and harassing advancing troops, the sniper teams would blend in with straggling refugees that were largely ignored by the German forces and move ahead of the German advance, recording troop strength and composition. In the evening, they would slip under cover and close on German night defensive positions and conduct harassing fire at first light and then move rapidly out of the area. This was related to me by my father-in-law who served on the eastern front in the German Army.


When the German advances into Russia were finally halted, the Soviet forces were in so much disarray, that the common platoon sniper team concept went out the window. As the forces regrouped and reconstituted, control of sniper teams moved to the battalion level and in some cases such as in Stalingrad, division and army level. There was also a dramatic drain on trained snipers so ad hoc sniper training programs were put in place. There are several accounts of such sniper schools being implemented during the Stalingrad siege.


Tactics in urban areas were somewhat new to Soviet snipers as they fought in rural settings during previous conflicts. Much of the doctrine developed for urban sniper engagements was refined as sniper teams operated in those settings. Cover and concealment was fundamental operating in any environment but proved to be a challenge in the urban setting. Although the cities were in various states of ruin, the rubble that was fought in presented a unique challenge. In the countryside, cover and concealment was a matter of blending in with the natural foliage and scrub. In a city, rubble and buildings were quite angular and prone to making the rounded silhouette of the human body stand out. Snipers had to learn how to use the rubble to their advantage.

The sniper was given very specific responsibilities whether fighting in the country or the city and although those responsibilities were specific, the level of independent action afforded the sniper was unprecedented in the Soviet Army. The sniper was a scout, blocking force, psychological operations unit, and deadly marksman all rolled into one. To earn the coveted sniper badge he or she had to demonstrate skill with the standard infantry rifle, small unit tactics, engaging both land and air targets, use of grenades and sapper explosives and leadership. The men and women of the sniper corps were held to to a higher standard than mainstream troops and were expected to serve as role models.

This article does not do justice to bravery of the men and women who fought a very personal war, nor does it give a complete picture of their training and tactics. I will leave that up to many great authors who have written so well about the subject. For further reading, I would suggest the following books"


"Soviet Sniper's Handbook-1942", James F. Gebhart & Paul Tamoney

"Enemy at the Gates", William Craig

Friday, 18 April 2008

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