Positioning Israel as the Nazi of Nations
Love of the Land: Positioning Israel as the Nazi of Nations

The Obama Administration is demanding that Israel hand over more West Bank land to exclusive PA control, including the Abu-Dis area adjacent to Jerusalem, Palestinian sources told Ynet Thursday.
According to the US vision, the move will take place as part of reverting to the state that prevailed in the West Bank before the outbreak of the last Intifada.
"The most significant demand is to restore the situation to what it was on the eve of the Intifada," one source said.

…now it has become reasonable to ask whether the Obama White House is running amuck on Israel, whether it is pushing friction so far out of proportion that it is starting to seem a vendetta based on hostility and ideology.




Since the Oslo Accords of 1993, 17 years of efforts under three American presidents and six Israeli prime ministers have taught five clear lessons. Each of them is being ignored by President Obama, which is why his own particular “peace process” has so greatly harmed real efforts at peace. Today the only factor uniting Palestinian, Israeli, and Arab leaders is distrust of the quality, sagacity, and reliability of American leadership in the region.
During the George W. Bush years, the leader of the Israeli right, Ariel Sharon, decided to abandon the idea of a “Greater Israel,” impose constraints on settlement construction in the West Bank (no new settlements, no outward expansion of settlement territory), and remove every settlement in Gaza and four small ones in the West Bank. His closest advisers say all of this was possible for him only in the context of unwavering American support for Israel’s security steps—including the targeting and killing of Hamas terrorists and the refusal to deal with a terrorist leader like Arafat. What was the turning point for Sharon? Bush’s June 24, 2002, speech, where he abandoned Arafat, denounced Palestinian terrorism, and said thorough reforms were the only possible basis for Palestinian statehood. Reassured, Sharon began to act.
Palestine Today reports that the Arab Journalists Union and other PalArab press organizations strongly criticized the Palestinian Arab journalists who met with their Israeli counterparts. |
Palestinian Press Agency reports on an incident yesterday, where Hamas members attempted to kidnap a Fatah member, Sheikh Abdul Khalil. His parents tried to stop the arrest and Khalil was beaten. |
The Times (UK) has a beautiful article that nicely exposes the problems at Human Rights Watch, starting with the Garlasco affair that I helped expose, but showing that Garlasco was just a symptom of a much deeper problem.
This is exactly the hubris and doubletalk that we have seen time and time again from HRW over Garlasco. There is zero evidence that the Saudi fundraising dinner had a single Saudi dissident or critic in attendance, yet HRW defends itself as if that was the focus of the dinner - not to line its pockets with money from people who share its loathing for Israel.
The only thing that this article didn't mention was HRW's crude use of sockpuppets to defend itself during the Garlsaco affair. |
From JPost:
The question is, did the BBC end up running the story anyway? |
"This isn't a simple situation," he said later, "the soldiers need to protect the Jewish settlers and the Palestinian citizens at the same time. Keep calm and collected, and, above all, keep from getting used to things, since the whole place can light up in an instant."
"It may not be natural for soldiers who trained to storm at targets, but this is also one of our missions," he said.Originally posted by Yaacov Lozowick's Ruminations
When the Jews are in danger, we are commanded to stop everything else in order to save even one life. Yes—one can even violate Shabbat in order to do so. Today, both the Jews and all humanity are in danger. What might the Pesach story have to teach us?
Like other groups, the Jews have always been in danger, have had to flee many Egypts, all the places of sorrow and danger, the many “narrow straits.” Unlike many other groups, the Jews have actually done so, we’ve gotten out—at least a remnant always has. Down the centuries, Jews keep “getting out.”
Sometimes, the Jews have had Jewish redeemers; sometimes our redeemers have been non-Jews. In our Pesach story, Moses, certainly born a Jew, was adopted and reared in Pharaoh’s palace, by Pharaoh’s courageous daughter. She reared him as an Egyptian prince, which partly explains why he was so easily able to enter Pharaoh’s inner sanctum, over and over again. No one dared stop him.
"Moses" by Marc Chagall (Left to right: Batya, daughter of Pharaoh; Miriam with baby Moses; Yocheved)
But let’s not forget that the Egyptian midwives and Moses’ mother, Yocheved, absolutely refused to follow Pharaoh’s orders. They committed civil disobedience by refusing to kill him, or other Jewish male infants. They didn’t know which one might someday become their leader. In fact, Yocheved carefully, lovingly, hopefully, prepared a basket for Moses, tucked him in, averted her own face, but sent her daughter Miriam to watch after the precious mini-Ark basket’s ebb and flow. At the final hour, she did not give up hope.
Moses himself was again saved, this time from the consequences of God’s anger, by his Midianite wife, Zipporah, Yitro’s daughter, and the mother of Moses’ only known children.
Why did Moses flee Egypt? The two Hebrew slaves whom Moses found hitting each other did not want Moses to judge them or stop them and threatened to inform on him to Pharaoh. He feared that the Jewish slaves would turn him in! In fact, the matter of his having killed the Egyptian taskmaster was already known to Pharaoh; someone had already turned him in. Due to “kotzer ruach,” the shortness of spirit which slavery exacts exceedingly well, the slaves are never able to redeem themselves, to work together, to rebel effectively on their own.
Crushed, embittered, dispirited, without an illusion left, the Jews eventually “cried out,” they prayed to God and God remembered our covenant and understood our predicament. This happens rather late in the day.
"The Parting of the Red Sea" by Arnold Friberg, commissioned for Cecil B. DeMille's epic motion picture "The Ten Commandments."
Let me stop and draw some possible parallels.
Once again, the Jews are facing enormous danger. This time, Pharaoh is not merely the ruler of one nation but is, rather, a global demon, a world-wide, many-faced Amalek. Therefore, we must understand that our redeemers may be both Jewish and non-Jewish, both male and female.
Facing down global jihad, will require more than just Jews, many of whom do not see jihad as a threat, or as a threat to Israel, or to the West, or even to themselves. The mighty and miraculous Israel cannot face down jihad alone. Those who will stand against jihad and against the demonization of Judaism and Israel will be—already are—Christians, Hindus, Sikhs, secularists, and a precious handful of Muslims and ex-Muslims.
Once again, the heroes who have been the first to stand up and sound the alarm have placed themselves at risk—have risked everything to do so. Some have been forced to flee their own safe places, even their perches of privilege. No matter. God is on their side.
Taken from the Sarajevo Haggadah, a 14th century Spanish Haggadah which was rescued from the Nazis by a Muslim cleric.
Finally, as ever, perhaps it is also time for the Jews to cry out, to pray, to celebrate Passover with all our hearts, our minds, and our souls. I hope that we try to include our blessed supporters at our tables.
Chag Pesach Sameach to one and all.
Phyllis Chesler
This is pretty amazing. Ephraim HaLevy, a former Mossad director who has gone Leftist, argues that since there is no real difference between Fatah and Hamas anyway, we may as well negotiate with Hamas. For all their recent disagreements, Israel and the United States share a common view of the Palestinians. They have jointly affirmed their resolve to coax the Fatah-controlled Palestinian Authority (PA) to the negotiating table, while ignoring Hamas. This is a policy that has now lasted close to four years—with, by and large, the support of the international community. Hamas, it is commonly agreed, will only make an acceptable partner for negotiation if it undergoes an ideological transformation, a transformation that is very unlikely to ever occur.
But now might be the right time to reconsider this policy, especially in light of the recent behavior of the PA. To take one recent example: When the Israeli cabinet recently designated two sites in Hebron and Bethlehem to be preserved as national heritage landmarks, the PA joined Hamas in issuing inflammatory statements exhorting the populace to demonstrate against the Jewish appropriation of Muslim holy sites. Stone throwing and violence quickly ensued. Abu Mazen, the self-styled moderate president of the PA, provocatively warned of an impending religious war. Only a stern warning sent by Israeli security authorities brought the “moderate” Palestinian leadership to its senses. And even then, it was only the Israelis who were capable of becalming Jerusalem and the West Bank, with sustained and daily operations in Palestinian-controlled areas. In a time of crisis, the shortcomings of the ruling Palestinians were exposed.
It can be difficult these days to distinguish the PA from its Hamas rivals in the West Bank. The festive inauguration of the Hurva Synagogue in the Jewish Quarter of Jerusalem’s Old City brought nearly identical statements from the two groups. Just like the Hamas leader Khaled Meshal, key members of the Palestinian Liberation Organization and aides to Abu Mazen argued that the reconstruction of this synagogue posed a serious threat to the Al Aqsa mosque. It all raises the question: If the Palestinians in the West Bank won’t make for good partners, then what?
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Before President Obama and Premier Netanyahu proceed to negotiate with their dispirited Palestinian interlocutors, why not reconsider the options? Bringing Hamas to the table could relieve pressure on the Palestinians—who would no longer need to worry about the Islamists attacking their credibility. It might create space for a less ideological approach to peacemaking, and it might allow for the negotiation of a more achievable agreement with Israel. Why not hammer out a temporary arrangement between the three sides that would, say, extend for 25 years with a clause for renewal? Such an agreement would make for a practical second-best outcome--a durable interim understanding.
If any of you still believes that there would be peace in the Middle East if only Israel would withdraw to the June 4, 1967 lines, please consider this article by Caroline Glick about the Negev and the Galilee and how the only effective response has come from private initiative and not from the Israeli government.
Given the ovations that Prime Minister Netanyahu got at AIPAC, I find it hard to give this article much credibility, but I'm not in the US right now, so I'm throwing this out to those of you who are to support or refute: BUT, HE is also alienating another staunch supporter of the State of Israel – the American Jewish community. As I conclude my travels in the States, I have not found one Jew here who understands why Netanyahu’s government would commit such a foolish act. American Jews are sorely embarrassed, as Israel has raised the ugly specter of “dual loyalty.” In addition to appearing before American Jewish audiences, I also spoke to non-Jewish forums, presenting a balanced understanding of the Middle East conflict and decrying the double standards that are unfairly applied to Israel.
I specifically addressed the latest Presbyterian onslaught with its prejudicial call for a boycott and divestment. Coming from the human rights world, supposedly liberal Christians, critical of Israel, were inclined to give me a sympathetic ear. Without exaggerating my influence, I believe that in many cases I succeeded in opening their eyes to the complexities of the conflict, pointing out that there are two narratives that dominate the struggle between Israelis and Palestinians.
And here comes good old Bibi with his declaration of further settlement building. There was no way I could put this latest “slap in the face” to America in a positive light. Netanyahu is simply not considered a credible partner to peace, no matter how much he tries to sweet-talk the American administration.
I was reluctant to tell my audiences, particularly the non-Jewish ones, that America should call Israel on the carpet – not by expressions of admonition that have little or no impact, but rather by bold actions.

The fatal exchange of gunfire in Gaza on Friday between IDF troops and Islamic Jihad/Hamas terrorists was a named operation, according to a number of Arabic sources. |
This is from an article in Thursday's Washington Post. As Obama met with Netanyahu, news leaked in Israel that approval had been given to construct 20 additional housing units in East Jerusalem, in the Palestinian neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah. The United States had previously objected to the project, which would be built on the site of the Shepherd Hotel, the former home of the late Haj Amin Husseini, a former mufti, or Islamic law scholar, of Jerusalem. It is now owned by Florida developer Irving Moskovitz.
Elliott Abrams has a lengthy article in next week's Weekly Standard about the 'peace process' and all the ways the Obama administration has blown it (Hat Tip: Memeorandum). I urge you to read the whole thing (yes, I know, five screens is a lot to read!). Here are some highlights. Since the Oslo Accords of 1993, 17 years of efforts under three American presidents and six Israeli prime ministers have taught five clear lessons. Each of them is being ignored by President Obama, which is why his own particular “peace process” has so greatly harmed real efforts at peace. Today the only factor uniting Palestinian, Israeli, and Arab leaders is distrust of the quality, sagacity, and reliability of American leadership in the region.
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3. Israeli withdrawals do not lead to peace unless law and order can be maintained by responsible security forces.
Israelis learned this the hard way in South Lebanon and Gaza, and it is unquestionably the greatest factor leading them to oppose a similar withdrawal from the West Bank. The Labor party leader Ehud Barak is not viewed in Israel as a hardliner; when he was prime minister he offered Arafat a dramatic peace proposal in 2000. But when, as defense minister, he met with President Bush in 2008 he handed over, and raised repeatedly in later meetings with Secretary Rice, a list of Israel’s security needs in the West Bank. He and Netanyahu (and the vast majority of Israelis) are of one mind on this: Terrorism from Gaza is a security challenge for Israel, but terrorism from the West Bank threatens Israel’s survival. There has been considerable progress in training Palestinian security forces, but no one believes they can yet maintain order without the presence of the IDF and Shin Bet. Those who say, as George Mitchell—Obama’s special envoy to the Middle East—and the Quartet have, that there can be a peace deal in 24 months are saying that fundamental security issues can be finessed or forgotten. Of course they can if your goal is a piece of paper—or, perhaps better put, a paper peace. If you want a real and lasting peace, you must have the answer to the question: What will fill the vacuum when Israeli forces leave? Today the answer is chaos or Hamas, and any prediction that in 24 months these matters will be resolved shows a lack of seriousness. Palestinians who value law and order and seek to build a decent society, as well as Jordanians who worry what forces will be across the river from them, cannot be so cavalier. This brings us back to lesson one: If the United States is intent on a deal in 24 months no matter what, Israelis will understand that we are not going to protect their security and that we’ll complain when they assert the need to do it themselves.
4. The Israeli-Palestinian dispute is not the center of world, Arab, or Muslim politics.
George Mitchell once acknowledged that when he talks to Arab leaders they raise Iran first, but no one in the administration wants to allow mere facts to interfere with their ideology. George W. Bush was as close as any American president ever has been to Israel, but had excellent relations with the Moroccan, Algerian, Emirati, Omani, Bahraini, Kuwaiti, Saudi, and Jordanian rulers—all except the Egyptians, who were annoyed that he thought they should have free elections. Paying attention to what Arab political leaders say publicly about Israel is foolish, for their real views consist of tough-minded assessments of the balance of power in the region. What they want most of all is calm; they do not want their streets riled up by Israeli-Palestinian violence. Palestinians are not at the center of their hearts or they would visit the West Bank and bring plenty of cash with them. What preoccupies them is survival and Iran. If they take any lesson from the current coldness between the United States and Israel, it is that the United States is not a reliable ally. If we can ditch Israel, they know we can far more easily ditch them.
The most perverse misunderstanding along these lines is the thought that supporting Israel is risking American lives in Iraq and Afghanistan and in the war on terror....
Israelis listening to official American remarks hear an amateurish interpretation of Arab politics, which as Lee Smith reminded us in his recent book (quoting bin Laden himself) is basically about backing the strong horse. Arab leaders want to know what we will do to stop Iran; they want to know if their ally in Washington is going to be the top power in the region. Israelis wonder where the “uh oh, this will make Islamic extremists angry” argument stops. Does anyone think al Qaeda or the Taliban would be mollified by a settlement freeze? The Islamists are not interested in “1967 issues” related to Israel’s size, but in “1948 issues” related to Israel’s existence. If henceforth we mean to engage such people rather than to defeat them, Israel’s existence—not its settlement policy—comes into play.
If this is not the Obama view of the world, the administration should say so quickly and very clearly. Otherwise his administration can fairly be said to be revisiting our own “1948 issues.” The argument that Israel would be a great burden and ruin our place in the Arab world was proffered then by George Marshall—and rejected by Harry Truman. In his memoirs, Clark Clifford wrote at length about the State Department’s efforts to stop -Truman from recognizing the new State of Israel. Clifford quoted Marshall’s deputy Robert Lovett as saying on May 14, 1948—the day Israel declared its independence and Truman offered recognition—“There will be a tremendous reaction in the Arab world. We might lose the effects of many years of hard work with the Arabs. We will lose our position with Arab leaders. It will put our diplomatic missions and consular representatives in personal jeopardy.” After 60 years of American leadership and military dominance in the Middle East, it should be as disturbing to Americans—not least to Democrats who venerate -Truman—as it is to Israelis that traces of this approach are emerging again in Washington.
Netanyahu answered these poor arguments in his address to AIPAC:Our soldiers and your soldiers fight against fanatic enemies that loathe our common values. In the eyes of these fanatics, we are you and you are us. To them, the only difference is that you are big and we are small, you are the Great Satan and we are the Little Satan.
Jerusalem |
Lisbon |